Called the Trans-Texas Corridor, it
is the most ambitious highway project since
the Eisenhower administration introduced the
interstate system in the 1950s. The $184
billion, 50-year plan calls for building
4,000 miles of roadways up to a quarter-mile
wide. Each corridor would contain six
high-speed toll lanes for cars and trucks;
six rail lines and easements for petroleum,
natural gas and water pipelines, as well as
electric, broadband and other
telecommunications lines.
With Texas's population expected to double
to 50 million in the next few decades and
NAFTA-fueled cross-border trade increasing,
the new corridor would move people and goods
on these mega-highways from the Mexican
border to Oklahoma and from the piney woods
of East Texas to the El Paso desert. Cars
and trucks could zip along at 85 mph. Oil
could be piped out of Mexico across the
country. Water from the Louisiana border
could flow into drought-stricken West Texas.
And hazardous materials could be routed out
of Houston and Dallas, improving the state's
ability to prevent terrorist attacks or
other disasters.
The price would be minimal to
taxpayers, say state officials, who are
seeking private companies to finance,
develop, build and maintain the corridor in
exchange for the right to charge tolls for
half a century.
Gov. Rick Perry (R) calls the
corridor a "vision," and transportation
experts are watching to see whether the
Texas plan will work in other states that
are contending with clogged roads and scarce
highway funding. The project's reliance on
tolls would mean a significant shift in how
road construction is paid for and might not
easily translate to such states as Ohio,
Washington and Indiana that recently decided
a gasoline tax increase to pay for highway
construction was more palatable than
creating more toll roads.
"The Texas concept has great
potential that the rest of the country could
benefit from looking at," said John Horsley,
executive director of the American
Association of State Highway and
Transportation Officials. "Is this a
panacea? . . . I think the jury is out on
that."
Opponents have lined up against the
plan, worried about the environmental
impact, the trampling of property rights,
the expense of tolls and the loss of
business along already established
interstate routes.
"What's going to happen when they
come across our farms and ranches that have
been in some families for generations?" said
cotton farmer and Texas Farm Bureau
President Kenneth Dierschke. "You could be
sitting on your back porch looking at this
corridor and looking at your property on the
other side."
In December, the Texas
Transportation Commission chose a private
consortium led by a Madrid-based toll road
operator to construct the first segment of
the corridor. Cintra Concesiones de
Infraestructuras de Transporte SA, in
conjunction with a San Antonio construction
company, will build 316 miles of four-lane
turnpike, with substantial room for
expansion, from north of Dallas to east of
San Antonio. The cities are connected by the
most congested portion of Interstate 35 in
Texas -- a stretch of road packed with
commuters at rush hour and freight trucks
round-the-clock. The "Trans-Texas Corridor
35" will be built east of and parallel to
I-35 and construction will begin, subject to
environmental approval, in the next five
years.
Cintra will spend $6 billion to
build the highway and will give the state an
additional $1.2 billion to fund other
road-improvement projects along I-35,
Texas's primary NAFTA truck route. In
exchange, Cintra will get the right to
charge state-approved tolls on the road for
50 years. The Texas Transportation
Department will spend $3.5 million to
develop the master plan for the turnpike,
but other details are still being worked
out. Officials expect to sign a contract
with Cintra this month.
Private-public transportation
contracts make some analysts wary. The
Southern Environmental Law Center, which
monitors transportation projects in six
states, found that similar agreements in
Virginia, for example, are costing taxpayers
millions through the subsidies or tax-exempt
bonds the state has provided to private road
contractors.
"With tighter transportation
dollars, there's an obvious appeal" to
private-public projects, said Trip Pollard,
the center's director of land and community
projects. "But people have to realize, it
comes out of the public's pocket, whether
it's taxes or tolls. . . . There's no free
lunch with these projects."
For now, Texas officials are
touting the first phase of their new
superhighway.
"To Texans stuck in
traffic now, know that help is on the way,"
Perry said last week in his State of the
State address. "This toll project will allow
us to build the needed corridors sooner and
cheaper."
Perry proposed the concept of the corridor
during his 2002 reelection campaign. The
legislature approved the plan, and it became
law in 2003. Perry's plan envisions the
building of corridors parallel to interstate
highways to ease congestion, decrease air
pollution in urban areas and move hazardous
materials out of city centers. The
private-public financing arrangement would
minimize state investment in the corridor,
which, state officials said, would be
expanded across Texas only as traffic growth
dictated and private investors were found.
"The vision that the governor put
out there was our interstate system is over
50 years old and, especially at key choke
points in some of our cities, it's at its
end," said state Rep. Mike Krusee, the
author of the corridor bill. "It's time to
think about the next 50 years. We've got to
basically build another interstate system."
But how to do it was the challenge. There
were two choices, as state transportation
officials saw it: raise the gasoline tax --
which barely covers the cost of highway
repairs, much less expansion -- or finance
new roads through tolls.
"We immediately turned to the
private sector," said Ric Williamson,
chairman of the Texas Transportation
Commission. "We said we have the law, the
will, the philosophy, the mentality to
entertain your proposals. . . . We're out of
money."
The law creating the Trans-Texas
Corridor allows the state to acquire
property under the power of eminent domain
and then to sell or lease the property for
revenue-generating facilities, from hotels
to gas stations and convenience stores.
Texas economist Ray Perryman estimates the
corridor could generate $135 billion in
economic development for the state over 50
years.
That is good news for the state and
the toll-road operators. But big-city and
small-town officials say that is bad news
for them. The River of Trade Corridor
Coalition represents about 20 communities
from Dallas to tiny Hooks, all alongside
interstates, that are concerned about losing
business if traffic is diverted to roadways
miles away.
"We have economies that are based
on the truck traffic," said Michael Hurtt,
mayor of DeSoto, a community of 43,000 that
borders the southern edge of Dallas along
I-35. "Don't destroy those."
Ranchers and farmers are worried
about losing as much as half a million acres
of arable land without much recourse or fair
compensation, said the Texas Farm Bureau,
which represents 383,000 farmers and
ranchers. The bureau, a traditional backer
of Perry, who grew up on a West Texas farm,
voted at its state convention in December to
oppose the Trans-Texas Corridor.
The Sierra Club and other
environmental groups are concerned about the
impact of massive building and the potential
paving over of parks and wetlands to
accommodate 12 lanes of corridor. Even the
governor's staunchest supporter, the Texas
Republican Party, expressed opposition to
the corridor in its state platform last
summer.
"The party rank and file feels very
strongly about property rights, and the plan
includes condemnation of a number of acres,"
said state GOP spokeswoman Sherry Sylvester.
Anti-toll-road groups have sprung
up across the state, including Corridor
Watch, run by the former city manager of
Columbus, a town off I-10 midway between
Houston and San Antonio. David Stall
predicts the Trans-Texas Corridor could hurt
small-town economies by diverting traffic
off current interstates and removing
thousands of acres from property tax rolls.
"It's a lose-lose,"
he said.