Question: What are the latest developments in
the debate over privatizing American highways?
Choate:
Texas is the
battleground for a major policy shift on who owns and operates America’s public infrastructure, including highways. You have the
U.S. Department of Transportation trying to get the
states to lease public roads to private toll operators and
allow these private operators to build new ones. In
Texas, there is a budgetary shell game under way. The governor and the legislature beginning with
George W. Bush, have diverted $15 billion out of the state
highway department and put that money in the general
budget. In Texas, they now have 85 percent of their
highway transportation money going into maintaining
their roads and only 15 percent going into new
construction, compared to the national state average of 52
percent going into maintenance and 48 percent into construction.
The Texas legislature and governor have chosen
to get big chunks of up-front money — $2-billion to
$3-billion per project on 13 projects around the
state along with $6 billion or $7 billion on the 600-mile
Trans Texas Corridor — by turning public roads over to
private interests.
Fundamentally what is happening is Gov. Perry wishes to finance his tax cuts by getting
pre-payments on leasing public property. They are turning the
public infrastructure over to private entities for 50
years.
Q: How is that playing out in Texas?
Choate:
You have a handful of
citizens — people who are really extraordinary — who said they’re not
going to put up with it. The first thing they did was
actively participate in the Texas Department of
Transportation environmental hearings. They got 14,000 people
to show up at those meetings which TxDOT really intended to be perfunctory events.
There was a documentary filmmaker who made “Truth Be Told
[Tolled],” which just won the Houston Film Award for best documentary. He filmed the public hearings — it’s terrific stuff. The witnesses
were passionate and could not believe the governor
and legislature intended to convert one of the
state’s major freeways into a privately-owned toll road.
When the legislature came back in session this
year, they had heard from their constituents. They
approved a piece of legislation [HB-1892] by a vote of
131-to-1 in the House and 27-to-4 in the Senate that
mandated a two-year moratorium on privatization. Yet the
governor vetoed it.
When the bill looked like it was going to pass,
Perry rushed forward and signed a contract with
[Spanish firm] Cintra to complete the privatization of Rt. 121
in Dallas.
Involved in this rush deal on Rt. 121 in Dallas
was a very prominent New York lawyer from a Texas firm named Bracewell & Giuliani who was paid very handsome amounts to put together the finance and legal work. In March, Macquarie Bank from
Australia bought [Presidential hopeful Rudy] Giuliani’s investment division, which had less than 100
people and lost $1.65 million last year. Macquarie paid
$100 million for it. Giuliani personally gets $70 million.
Q: Why hasn’t there been much reporting or attention paid to this sale, given its
controversial nature?
Choate:
There has literally
been no coverage here, but in the Australian press you got all this
reporting about the deal saying, “What is Macquarie doing?
They are overpaying for this company.”
Well, I can tell you exactly what they’re doing. Macquarie can’t put money into a presidential campaign, but Rudy Giuliani can. It’s a
back-door way to finance the Giuliani campaign for 20-million,
40-million, 50-million bucks. Macquarie wants to
own a president who will do tolling all over America.
It is phenomenal.
Macquarie is a very shrewd corporation. As the opposition to this highway deal heated up in
Texas, Macquarie bought 42 little newspapers, virtually
all of which are along the route and most of which
opposed the deal editorially. Why not? They can take
billions of dollars out of Texas if Gov. Perry gets his way.
Q: Why has Gov. Perry been so adamant in
pursuing this?
Choate:
He’s diverting the
highway funds to the state budget so he can cut taxes. This is how the
no-new-tax guys are financing their stuff. Indiana Gov.
Mitch Daniels got $3.8 billion from the sale of his
toll road so that he can finance everything else. But when
that money runs out his successor and the people of
Indiana are stuck for 60 years with a foreign-based
company controlling a major part of their development
rights through the center of their state.
In Texas, Perry got the legislature to change
the standards. Instead of awarding to the lowest
price bidder it’s now the best value. Talk about
flexibility. So now Cintra wins all the contracts. He was
rushing to do a contract with Cintra on a high-volume bypass
road in Dallas that was two-thirds of the way finished
and was built with public funds. Cintra would pay the
state $2.3 billion and finish the road and have a 50-year
lease on it.
In the deal, the governor signed a no-compete
clause for 10 miles on either side on the road — you can do nothing for 50 years that will take traffic away
from the toll road.
The other thing he did was have TxDOT set it up
so that the North Texas Toll Authority (NTTA), a
very experienced toll authority that has worked in
the public interest for decades, could not bid on the
project. People were furious.
A state senator named John Carona, who chairs
the Senate Transportation Committee asked
NTTA to
use the same assumptions that Cintra used and asked
them what they would have bid. They would have bid
$3.5-billion more. The outrage was so great that the
governor backed off. But Cintra supporters got the
Federal Highway Administration in Washington to send a
letter which, in effect, threatens to cut off federal
highway funds if they redo the bid because of the
“integrity” of the bidding process. Give me a break.
[U.S. Sen.] Kay Bailey Hutchison [R-Texas] then
sent a letter to [U.S. Department of Transportation] Secretary Mary Peters to get this out in the
open. Peters comes back and says that’s not what the letter
meant.
Then the Federal Highway Administration sent
another letter, which said that is exactly what it means
if you do it. There is a revolution going on over in DOT.
Then [U.S. House of Representatives] member Nick Lampson (D-Texas] had Sec. Mary Peters up before
the Transportation Committee [on May 11]. He had all
the letters concerning DOT’s interference with the
bill passed by the Texas legislature. Peters said to
him: “We’re not going to interfere. Texas can do what
it wants if they can get a better deal on it.”
Well, when you go into the DOT Web site, you’ll
find that DOT has “model” legislation for the states
showing them how they can change their constitutions and
laws so that they can sell off and lease their public
roads to private entities. They call it PPP —
Public/Private Partnerships. It’s unbelievable.
Mary Peters, a Republican, was transportation director for Arizona. Then she went to work for
a large firm that helped states convert and build
private roads.
The person she brought with her as general
counsel, a man named [David James] Gribbins, had worked as
a field organizer for Pat Robertson and Ralph Reed
for the Christian Coalition. Gribbins then goes to
Koch Industries in Wichita where his job is to sell
states and communities on PPPs. The Bush administration
named him to be the chief counsel at the Federal
Highway Administration where he worked with Gov. Mitch Daniels in Indiana doing these deals. He then
left to work as the chief lobbyist in Washington, D.C.,
for Macquarie Bank, one of the largest of these
operators in the world. In January, he got nominated to be
chief counsel to the Department of Transportation.
Macquarie and Cintra work together. It was
Macquarie and Cintra that jointly did the Indiana Toll
Road and they are doing other projects together. What you
wind up with is privateers coming from these
beneficiary companies now running the Department of Transportation.
Q: What’s the backlash been in Indiana?
Choate:
They doubled the toll
on that road. If the state re-does the contract, it has to pay the
company their lost profits for the balance of the
contract. This is not about providing the best transportation at
the least cost: it’s about making the most amount of
money.
These companies are only there for the profit
and they’ll raise the rates even if volume drops until they
maximize profit. They plot the curve.
This is a radical departure as to how this
country has gone about building and operating roads for the
last century. The question voters face is do they
want to cut other state taxes and finance state operations
by selling concessions to private companies for the
operation of public facilities in exchange for a big up-front
payment and perhaps some part of the revenues?
Q: What’s happening with the NAFTA Superhighway?
Choate:
The Trans Texas
Corridor is on hold for two years. Seven people in Texas who mobilized the opposition have brought it to a stop. Most of
the Mexican toll roads necessary for the long
corridor from ports in Southwest Mexico are in place. The rail
is in place. The issue is not that there is not going
to be a route — there is going to be a corridor, which
is Rt. 35, the major north-south route that now exists. A
super corridor has congressional approval and it’s
going to be built, but the question is this: Is it going to
be a private or public road?
Rt. 35 was built 50 years ago with enough space
to easily double it. It’s a major artery and it’s
very busy.
There are four major arteries north-south in the
United States. All four are overcrowded. The truth is
we need to expand those roads for our own purposes, but the
last thing we need do is turn them over to the
private operators. If the federal government allows
states to toll these interstates, it’s a guaranteed money
maker. If the country is going to toll this national highway,
it should be through a state public authority and the
profits should be used to build feeders. Selling or
leasing parts of our interstate system is not something that
should be left to the governors or state legislatures.
These roads are part of a national system, owned by all of
us.
Reps. Jim Oberstar [D-Minn.], chairman of the
House Transportation Committee and Peter DeFazio
[D-Ore.], chairman of the subcommittee on highways and transit, sent a
letter to all of the governors on May 10 telling them not to do any
of these deals. They said: “We strongly discourage you from entering
into public-private partnerships (“PPP”) agreements that are not in
the long-term public interest. Although Bush administration officials
have lauded PPPs at every turn, the Committee on Transportation and
Infrastructure of the U.S. House of Representatives believes that many
of the arrangements that have been proposed do not adequately
protect the public interest.”
They said that the committee will work to “undo
any state PPP agreements that do not fully protect the public
interest.”
Q: If there is so much public resentment over
these deals, then why are they still happening?
Choate:
What I think has
happened is that “read-my-lips” George Bush Sr. couldn’t figure a way to operate
government without raising taxes. His son solved the problem by radically
increasing the national debt, borrowing primarily from the central banks
of other nations. Now, we have a new generation of Republicans who say
I’ll cut taxes, and I’ll never raise taxes. They intend to finance their
promise by selling off the public infrastructure. What the public doesn’t
understand and what the media is not explaining is that the private
operations of our public infrastructure represents the highest tax you
can possibly have because those investors are going to run up the prices
they charge to the limit and under the binding contracts these
“no-new-tax” governors are signing, we have no democratic alternative for
dealing with these contracts.
The other thing that happens is that Perry has
found a fantastic way to finance his political career. In his last
race for governor, he got $2.5 million in donations from the sponsors of these
deals. That is a lot of money. No wonder he is being talked about as a
possible GOP vice presidential candidate in 2008. You have
engineers, lawyers, investment bankers and construction companies who are happy
to keep their champion in there. What other governor would
look at the 131-to-1 vote against him and say I cannot be overridden
in a veto?
This Texas fight is really important because you
have a popular uprising. This was the number-one issue in the
Texas legislature this year.
Q: What other private companies are involved?
Choate:
Fluor, Bechtel, and
Koch Industries, which is a $30-billion corporation. Goldman Sachs and Morgan Bank are
willing to raise the money for these kinds of deals. If you are a
governor and you need $3 billion, $4 billion or $5 billion to finance
state government and you have a heavily trafficked route, these private
companies will come in and pay the state the money and you’re all of a sudden
flush with cash. They will put together a package and their teams of
lawyers will come in to work with you on what you need to do to change your
state constitution and change your laws.
If you need to do a referendum, they will help
you finance and run the referendum. They’ll lobby the state
legislature and the local media.
To streamline all of this, the U.S. Department
of Transportation is working with them state by state on privatizing
public roads. The Department of Transportation is flacking for
Wall Street and a couple of foreign corporations. This recent exchange of
letters with the Federal Highway Administration, Congress and TxDOT shows
how they are extorting the states that want to take a more
responsible approach.
Congress needs to do hearings and put some
sunshine on this transfer of our public assets to private buccaneers.