Does the new toll road
bill repeat 2003 mistakes?
by William Lutz / Lone Star Report
Throughout this session, the legislature has tried to assert
itself and reclaim powers from the executive branch that the
legislature rightly believes belongs to itself. In particular,
the legislature wishes to reclaim its historic power of the
purse – the powers clearly set forth in the Texas constitution
regarding appropriations and financing.
Nowhere is the separation of powers issue more critical than at
the Texas Department of Transportation.
In years past, the legislature was asleep at the wheel and
passed a series of laws, most notably HB 3588 from 2003, that
allowed the unelected Texas Transportation Commission to, in
effect, raise taxes and spend public money – without approval of
the
legislature and with minimal public oversight.
A few days ago, the legislature passed HB 1892, which declares a
moratorium on many of TxDOT’s more objectionable activities and
transfers many of its powers to the local level. The bill passed
with majorities well in excess of the two-thirds required to
override a veto.
Gov. Rick Perry objects to the bill for a variety of
reasons and has warned of a variety of measures, including a
special session, if lawmakers override an expected veto of HB
1892.
To avoid a showdown, last Monday (May 14), Sens. Tommy Williams
(R-The Woodlands) and John Carona (R-Dallas) announced they have
reached a compromise with Perry on transportation, which the
Senate passed as SB 792 later that evening, and the House
approved, with some amendments, May 17.
The deal has some admirable features — it provides more
authority for local toll authorities, it puts some new
restrictions and a moratorium on many Comprehensive Development
Agreements that rent state right-of-way to private companies
under terms that allow the companies to gouge the public, and it
puts new disclosure and transparency requirements on toll road
projects.
But the deal stops far short of what is necessary to protect the
motoring public and ensure rational, accountable transportation
policy for the people of Texas.
First and foremost is use of privatization without justifiable
competition. Markets are only more efficient than the public
sector when companies can compete for business.
Comprehensive development agreements, however, are the exact
opposite of competition. They grant a private company an
exclusive franchise to build the road, and that monopoly power
is reflected in the sky-high tolls that Texans have paid lately.
Traditional competitive bidding for government-issued highway
contracts appears to be better for consumers than granting one
company a minimally-regulated monopoly. Recently, the wording of
some CDAs were vague and unbusinesslike with respect to key
issues such as tolling, rates of return and costs of buy-back.
SB 792 addresses the latter issue, but ought to provide more
protections for the motoring public from being fleeced by toll
highwaymen.
A further flaw is it allows continuation of current policy,
whereby the Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) may
require up-front “concession fees” in exchange for building some new toll
projects. The tolls that pay these concession fees are taxes,
not user fees, because concession fees result in tolls over and
above the amount required to build and maintain the road. Since
the fees are paid back over time from
toll revenue, it increases the burden of debt on our children
and grandchildren.
In short, concession fees, which are continued by the “market
valuation” language in SB 792, allow the government to raise
taxes and do off-budget spending in a manner concealed to the
public and without proper legislative oversight and
authorization.
If lawmakers believe a tax increase is necessary to build the
roads we need, they can and should do it directly. Carona
himself has produced a series of convincing statistics that show
that indexing the gas tax to inflation is cheaper for the
motorists than the current over-reliance on toll roads.
Yes, high gas prices make gas tax indexing a tough sell, and the
legislature would need to lay some groundwork, so that the public
understands that gas tax indexing will result in less tolling,
more
money for roads, and the revenue will not be diverted to other
purposes. But in the end, providing money to build and maintain
highways is a legislative responsibility, not one of the
unelected Texas Transportation Commission.
This is not a minor dispute here. The founders of both the
United States and the Republic of Texas believed strongly that
the power of the purse belongs in the hands of an elected House
of Representatives and an elected Senate. The inconvenience of a
special session is a small price to pay to preserve these
critical elements of freedom.
To put it another way, there’s no need to cut this deal. The
legislature is playing a poker hand with four aces, and there’s
no good reason to fold.
Supporters of the current policy have tried to scare Texans into
thinking that HB 1892 could affect federal highway funding. The
U.S. Secretary of Transportation did not take that position when
asked by U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, and the Democratic
congressional leadership openly opposes renting public highways
to private vendors.
Legislators shouldn’t yield to pressure from Perry, the toll
road lobby, or any other source. In watching the compromise in
SB 792 come together, it’s almost as if the legislature forgot
how this mess got started in the first place.
In the waning days of the 2003 session, Rep. Mike Krusee
(R-Round Rock) unveiled HB 3588 — a big, omnibus transportation
bill written with assistance from the governor’s office that few
understood. What is the legislature about to do — pass a big
omnibus transportation bill written with Perry’s assistance that
few understand.
In last week’s Lone Star Report, David A. Hartman
reminded the legislature that “they are speaking for the
majority of Texans who urge them not to waver.” To back down now
merely invites other agencies to emulate the Texas
Transportation Commission, which would be a victory of
bureaucracy over public representation vested in the
legislature.
In other words, lawmakers should think long and hard about
whether they want to send SB 792 to the governor’s desk or
whether – in the long term – this state is better off if they
override a veto of HB 1892.
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